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The Origin of Roma and Sinti
by Avraham Revello |
That Roma people reached Europe after
a long journey that then
began somewhere in India is a fact which does not imply that they came
from their original homeland. Everybody must come from some place where
his/her ancestors lived before, perhaps having arrived there from some
other country.
In this essay, I begin by exposing the myth before presenting the facts and the consequent hypothesis about the true origin of Roma.
Many efforts have been done by scholars with the purpose of proving the Indian origin of Roma, and all of them failed one after another in providing convincing evidences. Some accounts taken as references, like the stories written by Firdawsi, are now discredited. Any people allegedly related to Roma, namely Dom, Luri, Gaduliya Lohar, Lambadi, Banjara, etc. have indeed no connection at all with Roma, and not even common origins. The only apparent similarity is the nomadic life and professions typical of any nomadic tribe, of any ethnic extraction. All these idle results are the natural consequence of a research done according to wrong patterns: they ignore the essence of Roma's culture, that is, the spiritual heritage, which is incompatible with any Indian people.
In this essay, I will quote some assertions of the author, although replacing his strange and unsuitable way of writing Romany words with a more accurate and understandable transliteration - for example, the "rr" does not represent any Romany phoneme; the guttural "r" is better represented by "rh", though not all Romany dialects pronounce it, like the ethnonym "Rom" is uttered either "Rhom" or just "Rom". Yet, the "h" is conventionally used to mark a complementary sound to a preceding consonant, and therefore, if graphic accents, circumflexes or other additional signs should be avoided, the "h" is the best complementary letter in many cases. Personally, I would prefer the Slovenian alphabet with some slight changes to better transliterate Romany language, but as graphic signs may not always be shown through the internet, I use the alternative system.
In exposing the above mentioned theory, I begin with a statement of the author that I consider right and with which I agree:
"It is also known that there is no longer one people in India clearly related to the Roma. The various nomadic groups labelled 'gypsies' (with a small 'g') in India have no kinship or genetic connection to the Roma. They acquired the label 'gypsies' from the British colonial police who, in the nineteenth century, called them that by analogy with the 'Gypsies' of England. In addition, they applied to them the same discriminatory rules as to the English 'Gypsies'. Later on, most European researchers, convinced that nomadism or mobility is a basic feature of Romani identity, persisted in comparing the Roma with various nomadic tribes of India, without finding any real common features, because their research had been conditioned by their prejudices regarding nomadic groups".
Anyway, the author unveils a myth in his following statement:
"As for the alleged similarities between Romani and one or another Indian language, usually Punjabi and Rajasthani, this is only a trick practised by those nationalists who are speakers of these languages and defenders of these nations: they merely attempt to artificially increase the number of their population".
This is exactly the case. I have by chance found in many Rajput/Jat discussion groups that they are (or say to be) convinced that Roma are Jats or a Rajput clan. Either they are in good faith or not, their claims are expressed within a nationalistic context and seem to have some political purpose. The main so-called proof they give is that Arabs called Roma "Zott", that means "Jat", since they supposedly appeared in the Middle East. Sincerely, the Arab historians' accounts are slightly more reliable than the "1001 Nights" concerning accuracy.
Having duly credited the author of the "Kannauj theory" for these important reflections, now I expose his assertions in which he failed to support the whole of his hypothesis:
"Contrary to what one can read in almost all publications, the first Roma to arrive in Europe were fully aware of their Indian origins. There is definite evidence of this in several documents dating back to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It is only later that a mythical Egyptian origin challenged accounts of the Roma' real origins in India. More prestigious, it would eventually help their integration into Europe. Indeed, the myth of the Roma' Egyptian origins was gradually accepted as authentic".
Before replying to this declaration, I would show a further statement in which the author contradicts himself:
"Among all the legends, one of the most persistent is the alleged Egyptian origin of the Romani people, which they themselves began to circulate as early as the sixteenth century. [...] In both cases, the prestige of Egypt, reflected in the Bible, and the stories of persecutions suffered by Christians in that country probably encouraged greater acceptance of the Egyptian legend than of the real Indian origin, and it probably helped them in obtaining safe-conducts and recommendation letters from princes, kings and even the pope".
(The space left between brackets will be reported later)
Most Roma read the Bible now, and all of them astonished exclaim: "All our laws and rules are written in the Bible!" - No other people in the world except Jews may say such a thing, no one in India, neither in any other land.
(This is the space left between brackets above)
"In any case, in Byzantium at a very early date, Gypsy soothsayers were called Aigyptissai, 'Egyptians', and the clergy forbade anyone to consult them for fortune-telling. On the basis of Ezekiel's book (30:23), the Roma are called Egyptians not only in the Balkans but also in Hungary, where in the past they were sometimes referred to as 'people of the Pharaoh' (Faraonépek), and in the West, where words originating from the Greek names of the Egyptians (Aigypt[an]oi, Gypsy and Gitano) are widely used to refer to the Atlantic branch of the Romani people".
Another very significant fact is that Roma relate their wandering to the Pharaoh, something that is exclusive of the Hebrew people. The oldest records concerning the arrival of Roma in Europe report their declaration of having been slaves of the Egyptian Pharaoh; so there are two possibilities: either it was part of their historic memory or else it was something that they invented in order to find people's favour - the second possibility is very unlikely, since such declaration may identify them only with one people, which was exactly the most hated one in Europe, and not the most convenient identity to choose.
"Observing remnants of a former Egyptian migration to Asia Minor and the Balkans, they realised it would be profitable for them to pretend they were Christians from Egypt, chased out by Muslims or sentenced to restless wandering to atone for their apostasy".
The author's conviction that Roma's original homeland was the city of Kannauj is based on a simple conjecture, gathering some weak elements that do not prove anything, and are easily disproved by other facts that I will expose afterwards. Now let us read his hypothesis:
"...a passage in the Kitab al-Yamini (Book of the Yamin) by the Arabic chronicler Abu Nasr Al-'Utbi (961-1040), reporting Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni's attack on the imperial city of Kannauj, which resulted in its plundering and destruction and the deportation of its inhabitants to Afghanistan in december 1018... However, depending on incomplete chronicles mentioning only a few forays into north-western India, they were never able fully to describe the mechanism of this exodus... it describes a raid perpetrated in the winter 1018-1019, that reached much further east, beyond Mathura, as far as the prestigious mediaeval city of Kannauj, 50 miles north-west of Kanpur... In the early eleventh century, Kannauj (the former Kanakubja of the Mahabharata and the Ramayana), spread out on four miles along the Ganges banks was still a major cultural and economic centre of northern India. Not only did the most learned brahmans of India claim to be from Kannauj (as they still do today), but it was also a town that attained a very high level of civilisation in terms of what we would now call democracy, tolerance, human rights, pacifism and even ecumenism. Yet, during the winter of 1018-19, a raiding force came from Ghazni (now in Afghanistan) and captured the population of Kannauj, subsequently selling them as slaves. It was not the Sultan's first raid, but the previous ones had reached only as far as Punjab and Rajasthan. This time he moved on to Kannauj, a major city of more than 50,000 inhabitants, and, on 20 December 1018, captured the entire population, 'rich and poor, light and dark [...] most of them 'notables, artists and craftsmen' to sell them, 'entire families', in Ghazni and Kabul (according to Al-'Utbi's text). Later, according to the same text, Khorassan and Iraq appeared to be 'full of this population'.
What is it that leads us to believe that Roma's origins lie in this razzia?"
Now, after having briefly established the weak points on which the Kannauj-origin theory lies, it is right to consider the author's reasons:
"Mainly the following points:
The detail 'light and dark' would explain the diversity of skin colours which is encountered among the different groups of Roma, if the original population really was mixed. There were probably many Rajputs in Kannauj. These people were unrelated to the indigenous population, but had been raised to the dignity of Kshatrias on merit. Therefore they could have been the aforementioned 'dark' portion of the population."
This is such a naïve assertion for a scholar. It is well established that Roma have mixed with different peoples along their long journey. Exactly the same as Jews. It is enough to visit Israel to notice that there are black Jews, blonde Jews, tall Jews, short Jews, Jews looking like Indians, like Chinese, like Europeans, etc. The account mentioned by the author shows that the population of Kannauj was not homogeneous, not belonging to a single ethnicity! In fact, there were Rajputs as well as Gujratis and many others, if the city was so cosmopolitan as it appears. This does not prove that Roma were the people of Kannauj.
"The fact that the captured slaves came from all walks of life and included high born individuals could explain how they were so easily introduced to important and influential people such as kings, emperors and popes when they reached Europe. This was because, among the Roma, there were descendants of 'notables' from Kannauj. The French indologist Louis Frédéric confirms that the population of Kannauj consisted mostly of 'notables', artists, craftsmen and warriors."
This is pure speculation. Roma usually ascribe themselves some notable title in order to gain favours, safe-conducts, etc. It was still practised by Roma arriving in South America only one century ago, that claimed to be "princes of Egypt" or notables from somewhere else. The authorities began to be suspicious after so many princes were arriving from strange countries. There is an important fact that the author has not taken into consideration: He has previously stated that Kannauj was a prestigious brahmanist centre: How is it possible that there is not any priestly caste among Roma? What happened with the presumed "Rom brahmins"? All Indo-Aryan peoples had a priestly caste, and many other peoples had, including Medo-Persians (the Magi) and also Semitic peoples, except one: The Northern Israelites - after their separation from Judah, they lost the Levites and therefore, no special Tribe was appointed for priesthood. There were notables, artists, craftsmen, warriors and every kind of social status among Israelites, but no priests. What is also interesting, Israelite notables were very appreciated in the heathen kings' courts, and as they had a particular prophetic gift, many Israelites became Magi in Persia, as well as soothsayers and enchanters. Not to forget that the most common magic practised by Roma is Tarot, of Hebrew invention.
"This social diversity in the original deported population may also account for the continuing survival of the Romani language, nearly a thousand years after the exodus. As sociolinguistics has shown, the greater the degree to which an exiled population consists of mixed social backgrounds, the stronger and the longer it will carry on transmitting its original language."
This assertion supports nothing, and is
quite questionable, as there
are many examples of the contrary: history attests that Hebrews were
taken into exile from every social status, and they lost their language
in a relatively short time - a singular fact is that they kept the
different languages they adopted in exile for long time instead of
their original one, for example, Mizrachi Jews still speak Assyrian
Aramaic; Sephardi Jews speak Ladino, a medieval Spanish that they keep
after six centuries of having been expelled from Spain; Ashekenazi Jews
speak Yiddisch, and Roma speak Romany, the language they adopted in
exile.
Other examples of peoples from every social level taken in exile or
emigrated in considerable number that have lost their language in a
short time are American, Brazilian and Caribbean Black peoples, 2nd-3rd
generation Italians in America, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, etc,
2nd-3rd
generation Arabs in the same countries, etc. Other communities have a
stronger link to their language, like Armenians, Roma or Jews. There is
not an universal pattern as the author asserts.
"The geographical unity of the place from which the Roma' ancestors left accounts also for the striking coherence of the Indian element in the Romani language, since the main differences between the dialects are not to be found in the Indian component of the language but in the vocabulary borrowed on European soil."
This fact does not imply that their origin was in the area of India.
It is true that the Romany language was initially formed in an
Indo-European context, but the same "Indian" words are common to other
languages that existed outside the sub-continent, namely, in
Mesopotamia. Hurritic tongues are the most likely background from which
Indian languages emerged (just check the ancient Mitanni records to
realize that Sanskrit originated in that region). Sanskrit-related
tongues were spoken in a vast area of the Middle East, including
Kanaan: the biblical Horites (Hurrites) dwelled in Negev, Yevusites and
Hivvites, two Hurrian tribes, in the area of Judah and Galilea.
Northern Israelites were initially relocated by Assyrians in "Hala,
Havur, Guzana and the cities of the Medes" (2Kings 17:6) - that is
exactly the land of Hurrites. After the fall of Nineveh under Babylon,
most Hurrians, with part of the exiled Israelites, emigrated eastwards
and founded Khwarezm, from where they furtherly colonized the Indus
Valley and the upper Ganges region. It is interesting that some
particular words in Romany language are ancient Hebrew or Aramaic,
words that can have never been acquired in a later period on their way
through the Middle East to Europe, but only in a very early stage of
their history, before their arrival in India. A particular case regards
a verb that in Kalderash-related Romany and Kaló-Romanó (Spanish
Gitanos) has two different meanings: "kinas", in the first branch means
"to buy", almost identical to the Hebrew word with the same meaning,
while "kinar" in the second one means also "to steal", a term connected
with the Hebrew word "g'nav" (g' and k in ancient Hebrew had a closer
sound to each other than today). It is virtually impossible that two
branches evolved from a common "Indian" people kept the same verb with
two different meanings in the language spoken by Israelites and almost
unknown when the "first Roma" allegedly arrived in the Middle East,
where they by chance may have met some Aramaic-speaking Jews. Another
relevant linguistic detail concerns the name of the days of the week in
Romany: even though four of them were adapted from European heathen
names, the three remaining have a direct relationship with the Jewish
culture. Israelites named the days in ordinal way, being the Shabat,
the seventh day, the only one having a proper name, which corresponds
to the Romany Sabatoné - but what is more interesting is the name of
the other two days: "Tetrazhiné" means "the fourth day", evidently
adapted from Greek language (tetra=four), and only Jews consider that
day to be the fourth one of the week; the other is "Parashtuné", the
day before Shabat, when the "Parashat" is read in the Synagogue,
therefore, "Parashat-day" (-né is the common suffix for all day names).
There are several other examples in Romany language that fit only with
Hebrew meanings. Yet, one very important and never considered by the
"Indian-origin-theory" scholars is Roma's self-ethnonym: "Rom". There
is no mention in any Sanskrit document of any Rom people. The word
itself meaning "man", has only one reference: ancient Egyptian,
rom=man. According to the Bible, Northern Israelites had some dialectal
differences from Judahites, and were more attached to the Egyptian
culture as well as to the Kanaanite environment. The Israelite religion
after they split from Judah recalled the Egyptian one, the
calf-worship. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the Egyptian word
meaning man was still used by Northern Israelites even after the exile
in Hanigalbat and Arrapkha, and afterwards.
Another interesting Romany word is "manrho", meaning bread, that sounds
precisely like the Hebrew "man-hu", that is what the Israelites
exclaimed when they found the "manna" in the wilderness (Exodus 16:15).
Yet, as the origins should not be sought through the language, I shall
not extend this topic here.
"·This argument completely undermines the theory that the Roma originated 'from a simple conglomeration of 'Dom tribes' (or whatever other groups). It is worth mentioning here that Sampson had already noticed that the Roma 'entered Persia as a single group, speaking one common language'."
"There could probably have been a great number of Dhomba artists in Kannauj, as in all the civilised cities of those times. As the main intellectual and spiritual urban centre in northern India, Kannauj doubtless attracted numerous artists, among whom were many Dhomba (perhaps, but not definitely, the ancestors of the present-day Dhombs). Now, when the Kannaujia population was scattered in Khorassan and neighbouring areas, the Dhomba artists most probably captured the imagination of the local population, more than the notables and craftsmen, which would explain the extension of the name Dhomba to refer to the entire group of Kannaujia aliens. These could have taken over this name later on to refer to themselves, as a term of self-designation (as opposed to the more general designation Sind[h]~, Pers. Hind~, Ionian Gr. Indh~ meaning 'Indian' - from which the name 'Sinto' perhaps arose, in spite of the paradoxical evolution of ~nd~ to ~nt~, which should be postulated in this case. In fact, some individual Romani dialects, mainly in Hungary, Austria and Slovenia, seem to present this evolution of ~nd~ to ~nt~ )."
"The fact that the proto-Romani population had come from an urban area, and were mainly notables, artists and craftsmen, might perhaps account for the very low number of Roma working in farming until now. Although 'the soil of the region was rich and fertile, the crops abundant and the climate warm', the Chinese pilgrim Xuán Zàng (also romanised as Hsüan Tsang) notes that 'few of the inhabitants of the region were engaged in farming'. In reality, the land was cultivated chiefly for the production of perfume flowers since the antiquity (mainly for religious purpose)."
Also this assertion does not prove anything, but reinforces the hypothesis that they actually were not Indian: an accurate comparison with the Jewish people leads to the same result, as Jews were taken away from their land from every social status, yet, Jews have never been devoted to farming and have always dwelled in cities wherever they are in Diaspora. Jews became farmers only recently, in the State of Israel, because it was necessary for the development of the Nation. There are evidences in support of the fact that when Roma arrived in India, they were already people with the same characteristics they still have; as both Northern Assyrians as well as Babylonian Assyrians practised a selective deportation of both Kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as we read: "And he (the king of Babylon) exiled all Jerusalem, and all the officers and all the mighty warriors - ten thousand people - and all the craftsmen and smiths. None remained except the poorest people of the land. And he exiled Yehoyakin to Babylon, and the king's mother, and his wives, and his notables, and the leaders of the land, from Jerusalem to Babylon, and all the warriors, and craftsmen and smiths..." (2Kings 24:14-16); "But the commander of the army left some of the poor of the land as vinedressers and farmers" (2Kings 25:12). The same thing did the Assyrian kings 120 years before with the Northern Kingdom, and those farmers that they left are the present-day Samaritans, while the largest number of Israelites still result "lost", and it is certain evidence that most of them migrated into India.
"·It seems that a small group fled from the razzia on the waters of the Ganges and moved towards Benares, from where, due to the hostility of the indigenous population, they left again, to settle in the Ranchee area. These people speak Sadri, a specific Indian language used mainly for intertribal communication. It is worth mentioning that Sadri seems to be the Indian language which allows the easiest communication between its speakers and speakers of Romani."
Again, the author relies on a speculative theory that links an
Indian tribe with Roma only through some apparently common linguistic
features, but nothing related to the Romany culture and spirituality,
rules and traditions, and no historic proof. Languages are a relative
reference point, and are often misleading, since they may be easily
adopted by completely unrelated peoples. Perhaps the author does not
know some enigmatic cases like the following one: there is a province
in Argentina, Santiago del Estero, where a pre-colonization indigenous
tongue is still spoken: Kechua, a dialect of the Incas' language; the
particular fact is that almost all those who speak this language are
not indigenous but Syrian-Lebanese Arabs settled in that province about
one century ago! In a supposed future disastrous event in which no
records of the Arab immigration remain, scholars of the 25th century
would surely speculate that those Arabs are the last genuine survivors
of the ancient Inca civilization... What they would not be able to
explain is why those "Incas" had Orthodox Christian traditions in a
Roman Catholic country, even though both traditions are by far much
closer than Roma's culture to Indians' one.
Another similar example is given by Sinti themselves: in Northwestern
Italy, the local Piedmontese dialect is always less spoken by Gadje,
still practised mainly by senior individuals but is no longer the
primary language of Piedmontese children, that speak Italian. The
conservation of that dialect depends almost exclusively on the Sinti
"Piemontesi", that have adopted it as their own "Romany" language and
would likely be the only speakers of that tongue by the end of the
present century. In an imaginary situation like the one supposed above,
future scholars would reach the conclusion that the authentic
Piedmontese people are the Sinti of that region...
"Furthermore, Sadri speakers have the habit, during special ceremonies, of pouring a little drink on the floor before drinking, saying: 'to our brothers carried away by the cold wind beyond the mountains' (personal communication by Rézmuves Melinda). These 'brothers' could be Mahmud's prisoners. However, a more extensive study of the Sadri-speaking group is needed."
Another speculative conjecture based on no concrete facts. Deportations were frequent in those times, and to assert that they refer to Roma is more than hazardous. What is more significant in this Sadri tradition is that the "cold wind beyond the mountains" is hardly suitable for a westward beyond-the-rivers deportation, of course by a warm wind; it is rather referable to a deportation northwards beyond the Himalayas, where the cold wind blows.
"The protecting goddess of Kannauj was Kali, a divinity who is still very popular among Romani people."
The devotion of some groups to "Sara kali" in Camargue is connected with Roman catholic tradition, not with the hinduist one. Indeed, there are "black virgins" in almost every Roman catholic country (including Poland!). Sara "kali" is called that way because is a black woman, who, by chance or not, has the name of the mother of the Hebrew people, and this may be the reason by which the catholic Roma have chosen her as their own saint.
"·Moreover, the former name of the city Kanakubja (also Kanogyza in Greek sources) meant 'hunchbacked, crippled maid (virgin)'. The origin of this surprising name is to be found in a passage of Valmiki's Ramajan: Kusmabha had founded a city called Mahodaja (Great Prosperity); he had one hundred beautiful daughters and one day, as they were playing in the royal garden, Vàju, god of the wind, fell in love with them and wanted to marry them. Unfortunately he met with a refusal and out of angry he changed them to hunch back, what became the name of the city. In another version, Kana Kubja was the nickname of a disabled devotee of Krishna, to whom the god restored a beautiful and sound body in thanks for her fervently anointing his feet. In fact, 'hunchbacked maid' was one of the titles used to refer to Durga, the warrior goddess, another form of Kali. In other words, we can draw a parallel: kana kubja ('hunchbacked maiden') = Durga = Kali. Rajko Djuric has pointed out some similarities in the Roma's cult to Bibia or Kali Bibi and the Indian myth of Kali."
I wonder why the author does not mention the popularity of Prophet Eliyah among many Roma groups... perhaps because he would not be able to explain the "Indian" origin of such tradition. Eliyah was a Prophet of the Northern Kingdom of Israel.
"The time the Roma spent in Khorassan (one or more centuries) would also explain the number of Persian stems integrated in the Romani vocabulary (about 70 - beside 900 Indian stems, and 220 Greek), since Khorassan was a Persian-speaking region."
The same pattern is valid for their Indian sojourn. As such words do not prove a Persian origin, not even the Indian words prove an Indian origin, but only a long-lasting stay! The following exposition of the author is purely linguistic-oriented, and although is a valid reasoning, it still does not prove any Kannauj-origin, as we will see:
"Another striking element is the coincidence of three linguistic features linking Romani with the languages of the Kannauj area, and only or mainly with them, namely:
- among all modern Indo-Aryan languages, only Braj (also called Braj Bhakha, a language spoken by some 15 million users immediately to the west of Kannauj) and Romani distinguish two genders in the singular of the third person of the personal pronoun: jo or vo in Braj (probably o in ancient Braj) and ov, vov or jov 'he' in Romani for the masculine and ja or va in Braj and oj, voj or joj 'she' for the feminine, while all other Indo-Aryan languages have a unique form, usually yé, vé 'he, she' for both genders. These specific pronouns can be heard every day in the streets of Kannauj.
- mong all modern Indo-Aryan languages, only the dialects of the Kannauj area, some of the Braj language and Nepali (Nepal is only sixty miles from Kannauj) have an ending of masculine nouns and adjectives in ~o (or ~au = ~o) identical to their Romani counterpart, which is also ~o: purano 'ancient, old' (other Indo-Aryan languages purana, Romani purano), taruno 'young [lit. in Hindi]' (other languages taruna, Sinto tarno, Romani terno). In fact the dialectal evolution of common ~a to ~o is submitted to rather complicated rules which are still to be elucidated.
- and, last but not least, among all modern Indo-Aryan languages, only Awadhi (a language spoken by some 20 millions users in a large area east of Kannauj) presents, just like Romani, an alternative long form for the possessive postposition. There is not only a strict parallel in the phenomenon itself but also the postpositions are identical in form: in addition to the short form (~ka, ~ki ~ke) which is common to all Indo-Aryan languages, Awadhi has a long variant ~kar(a), ~keri, ~kere, exactly like many of the most archaic Romani dialects, such as those of Macedonia, Bulgaria (~qoro, ~qiri and ~qere), Slovakia and Russia (~qero, ~qeri, ~qere); this form has been reduced in the Sinto dialects (~qro, ~qri, ~qre). In addition, a recent fieldwork mission in some villages of the Kannauj area has revealed traces of an unexplored vocabulary very similar to Romani (tikni 'small', daj 'mother' [common Hindi 'midwife'], ghoro 'jug', larika 'lad' [common Hindi larhka] etc...). All this justifies Professor Ian Hancock's statement that 'the language closest to Romani is Western Hindi', more commonly called Braj and sharing most of its features with modern Kannauji."
As I said before, the reasoning is interesting, yet it does not
prove anything, for the following reasons:
There are many other examples like these, though these should be enough. Yet, there is still another quest that the author proposes:
"As far as the chronology of the exodus is concerned, it also fits with Mahmud's times, since it is clear it could not have occurred before the 10th century ce, seeing that Romani presents two main grammatical features which were constituted at the end of the first millennium, namely:
- the formation of the postpositional system instead of the Old and Middle Indic flexions;
- the loss of the neuter with ascription of the formerly neuter nouns to the masculine or the feminine gender. Since almost all these nouns have be ascribed in Romani to the same genders as in Hindi (Hancock, 2001:10), one can conclude that this phenomenon happened when Romani was still spoken on Indian soil. Accordingly, Romani split from other Indic languages only after these evolutions."
What the author does not realize is the following: there was not an
unified Indic language, but a distinctive feature between the
Scytho-Sarmatic region and the Aryan area, and that:
a) postposition is a feature very common among tongues spoken by
Scytho-Sarmatic peoples;
b) only male and female gender existed in the Indus Valley variant of
"Old Indic", before the brahmins achieved in unifying the whole India
or most of it, consequently, also the language was unified in some way,
and it is logical that both parties contributed, yet the easiest form
prevailed, and the neuter gender disappeared from the Aryan variant. It
was not necessary that Roma were still in India when the language was
unified.
The remaining of the essay written by the author of the "Kannauj-origin theory" does not deal with the alleged Romany origin but with some historic aspects of Kannauj that are not relevant for this research, so I conclude here with the comments on his hypothesis, and begin with the exposition of other aspects of Romany culture that are certainly more important than language and demonstrate that Roma have nothing in common with any Indian people, neither at present nor in the past. The aspects that I shall present here cannot be explained by the supporters of the Indian-origin theory.
The cultural and spiritual aspects of Roma people may be classified
into two main categories:
1) Hebrew-related beliefs, laws, rules and practices; very important
within the Roma community life;
2) Fire-worship-related practices and some elements connected with
belief; mostly regulating the relationship with the non-Roma
environment.
Before exposing these aspects, it is convenient to give a brief historic outline in order to enable the reader to understand how and why Roma were in India at a certain time and why they must not be originated in that land. Roma's "prehistory" began in Mesopotamia, in the lower Euphrates Valley; their "proto-history", in the lower Nile Valley and Canaan...
During the Semitic expansion in the Middle East, an Akkadian family
moved from Sumer to Canaan and later to Egypt, where it increased in
number and importance within Egyptian society, so much that they were
hated and submitted to slavery, until their deliverance time arrived
and left the country to settle in Canaan. By that time they were
constituted of thirteen Tribes, one of which appointed to priesthood,
so the other twelve were the "people", called Israel. That nation had a
peculiarity that distinguished them from every other nation in that
time: they believed in only One God. They received a set of laws, rules
and articles of faith to be observed, concerning every social aspect
and their strict separation from any other people, laws regarding
ritual purity and impurity, and other characteristics that made of them
a peculiar people, different from any other in the world. They had a
common memory, that they were in exile in Egypt, and a common legacy,
that set of precepts that established that if they would have not
observed them, their destiny would be exile again, not in Egypt, but in
every land.
Nevertheless, as soon as they conquered their territory, the
divergences between the leading Tribe and the others began to be more
and more evident, until their Kingdom split into two: the Northern
Tribes were more attached to their Egyptian past and as a sign of
separation, they elected the Egyptian idol shaped like a calf to
represent the One God (eventually worshipped also lower divinities),
and rejected the priestly Tribe, that joined the Southern Kingdom,
Judah. That Northern Kingdom allowed some forbidden practices related
to magic, soothsaying and divination. In 722 b.c.e., the Assyrians
invaded their country and sent into exile almost the whole population,
leaving only the peasants, and relocated them in another country that
the Assyrians had already conquered: the former kingdom of
Hanigalbat-Mitanni, a land where a language very close to Romany was
spoken, and whose main divinities were Indra and Varuna. That land was
not in India, but in the upper Mesopotamia. The people of the land are
known in history as Hurrians. Here I make a parenthesis to give a brief
description of that nation, before going on with the history of our
people:
The Hurrians, original Indians
The earliest evidence for an Indic language is found not in India but in the Tigris-Euphrates Basin, ca. 1600 b.c.e. Here was the empire of Mitanni, extending from the shores of the Mediterranean to the Zagros mountains, in conflict with the Hittites in the west and with the Egyptians in the southwest for the control of the Euphrates river. The language of Mitanni was Hurrian; there is a clear evidence of the use of Indic vocabulary in the Mitanni documents:
ila-ni mi-it-ra as'-s'i-il ila-ni u-ru wa.na-as's'i-el (in another text a.ru-na-as'.s'i-il) in.dar (other text: in-da.ra) ila-ni na-s'a-at-ti-ya-an-na (cf. Winckler, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft No. 35, 1907, p. 51, s. Boghazkoi-Studien VIII, Leipzig 1923, pp. 32 f., 54 f.)
All the four treaty gods are mentioned in one hymn of the Rigveda
(RV. 10.125.1). P. Thieme demonstrated that the gods of the Mitanni
treaties are specifically vedic gods, Varun.a and Mitra, Indra and
N-satyau, with these forms of their names, can be traced only in the
veda. Yet, they appeared in the Hurrian records!
In the treaty between the Hittites and Mitanni, the Mitanni king swears
by: Mi-it-ra (Indic Mitra), Aru-na (Varun.a), In-da-ra (Indra) and
Na-sa-at-tiya (Nasatya or As'wins). A Hittite text on horse-training
and chariotry, written by Kikkuli (a Mitanni) uses Indic numerals to
indicate the number of turns made by a chariot on a track: aika (Indic
eka 'one'), tera (tri 'three'), panza (panca 'five'), satta (sapta
'seven') and na (nava 'nine').
Another Hurrian text from Nuzi uses Indic words to describe the colour
of the horses, for example, babru (Indic babhru 'brown'), parita
(palita 'grey') and pinkara (pingala 'reddish'). The Mitanni charioteer
is called "marya" (Indic-Vedic marya 'warrior, young man'). Added to
these are a series of names of the noblemen or aristocracy of Mitanni
which are clearly Indic.
It is now generally agreed by most authorities on the subject that the
Aryan linguistic vestiges in the Near East are to be connected
specifically with Indo-Aryan, and not with Iranian, and also that they
do not represent a third, independent Aryan group, and are not to be
ascribed to the hypothetically reconstructed Proto-Aryan. This
conclusion is incorporated in the title of M. Mayrhofer's bibliography
of the subject, Die Indo-Arier im Alten Vorderasien (Wiesbaden, 1966),
and it can now be taken as the commonly accepted view. It is based on
the fact that where there is divergence between Iranian and Indo-Aryan,
and where such elements appear in the Near Eastern record, the latter
always agrees with Indo-Aryan.
The division of Proto-Aryan into two branches, Indo-Aryan and Iranian,
must have taken place before those languages were established in their
eventual homes, and not merely be due to developments which took place
within each of the two groups after the Indo-Aryans had settled in
India and the Iranians in Iran. This conclusion could only be shown to
be wrong if it could be shown that the Vedic Indians, having migrated
all the way to the Punjab from their earlier home, had then retraced
their steps and undertaken yet another migration in the direction of
the Near East. There is no evidence for it, and it seems that a theory
involving such complication can be safely ignored... A further
conclusion from this is that the date of the Proto-Aryan period must be
pushed back further than has often been thought, and probably it cannot
be brought down below 2000 b.c.e., at the latest.
Sarasvati is in the first place the Proto-Indoaryan name of the river
in Iran, which after the migration was transferred to the river in
India. The Iranian name, Haraxvaiti is a loan word from
Proto-Indoaryan, with a substitution of h- for s-, occurring also in
Hind/Sindhu. Another case is the river name Sarayu, which was
transferred from Iran (Haraiva-/Haro-yu) to a river in Northwest India,
and then again from there to a tributary of the Ganges in Eastern India.
Hurrians may be presumed to have been in the Near East from early times
on the basis of the old Sumerian craft-word ta/ibira, 'copper worker',
for which convincing proof of a Hurrian source can be adduced (Otten
1984, Wilhelm 1988). Atal-s'en describes himself as the son of one
S'atar-mat, otherwise unknown, whose name is also Hurrian. The rule of
Atal-s'en cannot be dated with certainty, but probably belongs to the
end of the Gutian period (ca. 2090-2048 b.c.e.), or into the first
decades of the Ur III period (2047-1940 b.c.e.). Records from the Ur
III period reveal that the mountain areas to the east and north of
Tigris and Euphrates valley were at this time occupied by
Hurrian-speaking peoples, who had meanwhile also penetrated the eastern
Tigris country to the north of the Diya-la. As a result of S'ulgi's
wars (2029-1982 b.c.e.), large numbers of Hurrian prisoners found
themselves in Sumer, where they were employed as a labour force. This
why so many people with Hurrian names can be traced in Southern
Mesopotamia in the Ur III period. The etymology of some names is
certainly or most probably Indo-Aryan, for example Artatama = Vedic
r.ta-dha-man 'whose abode is r.ta', Tus'ratta (Tuis'eratta) = Vedic
tves.a-ratha 'whose chariot surges forward violently', Sattiwaza = Old
Indo-Aryan sa_ti-va_ja 'acquiring booty', Vedic va-ja-sa-ti
'acquisition of booty' (Mayrhofer 1974: 23-25). The Hurrian language
was in use in the 14th century b.c.e. at least as far away as Central
Syria (Qatna, also probably Qadesh), and this expansion probably
results from the population shifts during the rise of Mitanni. Among
the gods who were still being honoured in the late 14th century by the
kings of Mitanni, we find Mitra-, Varun.a-, Indra-, and the
Na-satya-twins, who are known to us from the vedas, the oldest Indian
poems.
The long journey to India
Back to our people's history, the above described is the land where we find them in 722 b.c.e. This was the beginning of their newly acquired language evolution, and the beginning of their oblivion as the people that once they were, except for their consciousness of being different, a peculiar people that cannot get mixed with the "Goyim" (later Gadje). They have certain rules to which they will not renounce, the purity laws and the belief in One God, that One Who promised and fulfilled: they will be again in exile, perhaps forever... They will no longer be called "Israel", now they are just "men", that their forefathers in the Egyptian exile called "Rom".
After the Assyrian rule, Babylonians deported also their Southern
brothers, but they kept their identity, their social structure and
their priestly Tribe, and 70 years later, they returned back to Canaan,
being now recognized as "Jews". In their relatively short exile, they
achieved in bringing back to them part of their Northern brothers, but
the largest number remained in exile.
Babylon fell under a new rising power, Medo-Persia, a non-Semitic
people, but rather linked to the Hurrian/Mitanni. They had a particular
religion that involved fire-worship and magic, indeed, their priestly
caste were called Magi. The exiled people, formerly Israelites and now
simply "men", Rom, were very gifted in such arts, and understood that
practising them was profitable, so these elements were adopted into
their own culture, but mainly concerning their behaviour towards the
others, the Gadje. The Persian Empire was vast, and extended up to
Sakastan, beyond the Sindh. That was a very desirable country, and
would have also helped them to forget their exile in Assyria, the right
land to settle and begin a new life...
Now, in these last years, a Jewish International organization called
"Kulanu"
("All of us") that primarily aims at finding the lost Tribes of ancient
Israel, is achieving in this task, and there is a particular area of
the world where many of them have been finally found: India. There are
descendants of the Israelites exiled by Assyrians in every part of
India, from Kashmir to Kerala, from Assam to Afghanistan. They are
being identified, not through their language, that is Indic, but
through other cultural features - yet, none of them gathers as many
Hebrew elements as Roma!
As a matter of fact, concerning the place where the commonly known as
lost Tribes of Israel migrated, overwhelming evidences show that the
largest number resettled in India during the Persian and Macedonian
rule, and most of them preferred the Scytho-Sarmatic area, namely, the
Indus Valley, Kashmir, Rajasthan and the upper Ganges region. Of course
they were no longer one homogeneous mass, as they migrated in separate
groups to different lands and generated new distinct ethnic entities,
this means, that Roma are only one of several Israelite groups that no
longer know their origin - the difference is that Roma returned back to
the west, and caught the attention of Europeans, while the others
remained in the east and are still ignored, and perhaps have lost most
of the features that allow to identify them, characteristics that Roma
have kept up to an acceptable degree.
What scholars do not take in consideration when they study the Roma
origin topic is the ethnic complexity of India in that period and
assume that it was an almost mono-ethnic, monolithic Aryan people, what
is a fallacious assumption and definitely misleading for their
research. Indeed, the strictly Aryan region was south-east from Uttar
Pradesh and east from Rajasthan-Gujarat, while these regions and the
lands to the west of them were inhabited by Scytho-Sarmatic, Iranic and
even Greek peoples, plus the Israelite exiles. A general research on
the peoples and tribes dwelling from the northwestern area of the
Indian subcontinent to the Iranic region reveals that almost all of
them, if not all, keep in their traditions the belief that they came
from the west, usually relating their immigration either with the
exiled Israelites or the contingents brought into that area by
Alexander the Great. Some Pashtun clans, as well as most Kashmiri
tribes claim Israelite ancestry and even trace their family origin to
King Shaul; a similar tradition exists among the Kalash of Nuristan,
that in many aspects recall the Roma people. The Assyrian-Hebrew exiles
found a major tolerance within Scytho-Sarmatic peoples than among any
other, and their countries were preferred to those of the much more
intolerant Aryans. The same happened to their Jewish brothers. It is a
significant fact that the largest number of both, Jews and Roma, found
a safe haven in the Scytho-Sarmatic Europe for many centuries: indeed,
the centre of both cultures has been Eastern Europe, particularly
Hungary, and Russia. Romany language would have virtually disappeared
if Roma would have not dwelled in those countries, as it is a proven
fact, Romany grammar and a considerable part of the original Romany
terms have been lost in Central and Western Europe, due to persecutions
and banishment of the open expression of Romany culture, in the same
way as Jews were forbidden to practise their own Jewishness - without
forgetting what would imply for Roma to be labelled as "Aryan" after
the Shoah/Porhaymós... The sojourn of both peoples in Eastern Europe
has even determined some characteristics concerning clothing, in fact,
the present-day typical suit and hat worn by the most Orthodox
Ashkenazi Jews belongs to the Polish and Baltic notables of the late
Middle Ages and the subsequent period, and is not so different from the
suit and hat worn by men of the most "orthodox" Roma groups. Besides
clothing, Roma men usually have side whiskers, an acceptable substitute
of the Jewish "pe'ot".
Premises for an hypothesis:
The Facts
There are unquestionable facts that regard the Roma people, which provide the key for discovering their true origin and allow to elaborate a feasible historic course. Here I intend to expose some of them.
Belief
Roma's belief shows the following characteristics:
These belief patterns go beyond any "official" religion the Roma may
confess. There are usually additional features and rituals that belong
to their adopted faith, and which they express in a picturesque way and
observe with great respect, as for example the "pomana", an Orthodox
practice, or other ceremonies. There are also other complementary
elements of a rather superstitious nature, all of them linked with the
fire-worship of ancient Persia. Some of them are considered valid for
their own society, like having lighted fire in the house permanently,
day and night, winter and summer (a tradition that is still kept by the
most conservative families, while in general is evolving into a
"symbolic" fire like the TV set, always switched on though nobody
actually watching). Other customs are only practised outwardly, like
fortune-telling, palmistry, tarot, etc. in whose powerful qualities
Roma do not believe but use them to take some profit from the Gadje.
This has been learnt from the ancient Persian Magi and alchemists.
There are founded reasons to presume that Roma were Christians since
the first century c.e., that is, before they arrived in India or during
the first period of their sojourn there, and that is why they did not
adopt any Hinduist element in their religious conception. It appears
that Roma were very well aware of what Christianity consisted in when
they entered Europe, even though they had no possibility of having ever
read the Bible. There is something mysterious in Romany spirituality
that in the last decades led them to a genuine approach to the
Evangelical movements (the form of Christianity closer to Judaism,
without saints and image-worship) and lately a further step to
Messianic Judaism. There is no other people in the world having
experimented such a massive number of conversions in such a short time.
The interesting fact is that this phenomenon is not the result of
missionary work but of spontaneous, autonomous will (indeed, Gadje
would have hardly dared to evangelize "Gypsies", devoted to occult arts
and witchcraft, according to their prejudiced views). Against all odds,
Roma from different countries in roughly the same time, without
connection to each other, experimented conversions and began to read
the Bible. Now the missionary work among Roma and Sinti is carried on
by themselves. This may be explained by understanding that there is an
atavic legacy that is unique feature of Romany spirituality. Most Roma
are now abandoning the ancestral fire-worship elements and the
practices forbidden by Torah, like pomana, divination and other things
related to it.
A feasible conjecture (remark: a conjecture) is that their first
approach to the Christian faith might be connected with the biblical
Magi that worshipped the child Yeshua of Natzaret; evidently, they were
not just Persian fire-worshippers, but people that hoped in the promise
of a Messiah for Israel, therefore, Israelites of the Northern Kingdom
that at that time were fully immersed in the Zoroastrian cult, yet
waiting for the redemption of their people. Historic accounts report
that in the first century c.e., massive conversions took place in
Assyria, where the Apostles went to rescue the "lost sheep" of the
House of Israel, as many were still in that region. Some of the
Apostles reached India in search of them. A curious fact is that the
recently discovered Israelites of India were almost all Christian, not
Hindu or other. The complete absence of Hindu elements in Romany
spirituality must have some meaning.
The ritual purity laws, "marimé"
The Romany concept of "marimé" is equal to the negative form of the
Jewish concept of "kosher", the first indicates ritual impurity, while
the second refers to ritual purity. Besides this viewpoint difference,
the essence is the same (it is like saying if the cup is half-empty or
half-full). What is marimé for a Rom, is not kosher for a Jew, so both
of them will take the necessary measures in order not to be defiled
with such things, or if they are a necessary, unavoidable
contamination, they both will follow certain rules to be purified. In
the same way as Jewish kashrut, the rules that regulate marimé are a
fundamental value in Romany society that set the behavioural boundaries
within their social and spiritual realm and condition their
relationship with the external world (the Gadje society).
Roma classify everything into two categories: "vuzhó" (=kosher, pure)
or "marimé" (impure). Such classification regards primarily the human
body, but is extended to the spiritual realm, the house or camp,
animals and things.
Marriage laws
Romany betrothal and marriage are celebrated in the same way as they
were in ancient Israel. Both partners' parents play an essential role
in arranging the bride's dowry and the celebration is performed within
the Roma community, without any participation of Gadje's institutions.
In case that the girl runs away with her fiancé without the consent of
her parents, they are regarded as a married couple, but the husband's
family must pay a compensation to the wife's parents, usually
equivalent to twice the dowry amount; that compensation is called
"kepara", a word that has the same meaning of the Hebrew term "kfar"
(Deuteronomy 22:28-29). The payment of the dowry by the male partner's
family to the female's parents is a biblical rule, exactly the opposite
to Indian peoples, in which it is the bride's family that pays to the
husband's one.
There is a particular precept that must be observed to consolidate the
marriage, the "virginity proof cloth", that should be shown to the
whole community after the first sexual relationship - this is a rule
found in Torah, Deuteronomy 22:15-17. Of course, in the case of runaway
couples such rule is meaningless and consequently not observed.
Social behaviour
Like Jews, Roma assume different behaviour standards for the
relationships with their own people and for the interaction with the
outsiders, so that we can state with certainty that the opposition
Roma/Gadje and Jews/Goyim are regulated in a quite similar way, maybe
identical in almost all details.
Since the Gadje do not know the laws regulating marimé, they are
suspected of being impure or just assumed that they are, consequently,
Roma would not lodge at Gadje homes and would not eat with Gadje; some
Roma do not even enter a gadje house - the same custom is found in
ancient Israel, and still practised by Orthodox Jews. Gadje who become
Roma's friends are admitted once they are aware of the main rules they
should observe in order not to offend the community, and after having
passed some "tests" of reliability. Otherwise, gadje institutions are
used as a "free-trade area", where impure activities may be performed
with safety - a typical example is the hospital, that allows to avoid
setting up a special tent for childbirth.
Courtesy, respect and hospitality are obligatory within Roma. When they
greet each other should ask for each other's family wishing all members
good and blessing, even though they meet the first time and do not know
the respective families. Self-introduction includes one's parents
names, grandparents and as many generations as they remember - civil
name and surname are irrelevant; Roma are called like in ancient
Israel, A son of B, son of C, of the family of the D's. This is
however, a common feature of many eastern peoples, but the way Roma
formulate these terms are quite biblical.
Judicial causes among Roma are presented to the elders' assembly, right
according to the Mosaic Law. The Romany elders' assembly is called
"kris",
and is a true Court of Justice, whose sentences should be obeyed,
otherwise the disobedient party would be banished from the Romany
community. Cases are usually not so serious as not to be solved by a
payment of an amend, as regulated by Torah (Exodus 21:22; 22:9;
Deuteronomy 22:16-19).
There are many other aspects that may be of a secondary importance,
which anyway recall the ancient Israelite customs and rules.
Unfortunately, such details are being lost with new generations (as
many have been lost among Jews as well) because of modern society
systems that restrict individual and "exotic" communities freedom. Yet,
the Romany feelings and tendencies are to be taken into consideration,
as they correspond to an ancestral psychological heritage transferred
from generation to generation, in an unconscious manner but recalling
the true origins. For example, Roma do not feel any attraction at all
towards Indian culture or music (what is more, Roma women have a
low-pitch voice, in contrast with the Indian singers, a detail that may
be insignificant, but maybe not), while they have always preferred
Middle Eastern music. In Eastern Europe, most of the folk expressions
are either Jewish or Romany, and many times the same work is attributed
to either one or the other of these two traditions. "Klezmorim" bands
were often composed by Roma together with Jews, and the European Jazz
style has been cultivated by Roma as well as by Jews. Flamenco is
probably originated among Sephardic Jews before they were expelled from
Spain, and later developed by Roma that remained in that country. In
other aspects, Roma have a great commercial skill (and if they have to
work in partnership Jews are preferred) and those who choose a
professional insertion in the gadje society usually prefer the same
careers chosen by Jews (perhaps connected with the purity laws, that do
not allow to perform every kind of work). Last but not least, Roma make
a distinction between common "Gadje" and Jews, who are not considered
fully Gadje but an intermediate category that observes the purity laws
and consequently not subject to marimé suspicion.
See also: Romany Law.
Conclusion
This brief essay intends to set the principles on which a new, accurate and serious research about the origins of Roma and Sinti should be founded, instead of the insistence in going on with an only-linguistic and misleading trend. The presented facts do not exclude that Roma might have been actually dwelling in Kannauj or somewhere else in India, although the Indus Valley seems to be the most appropriate land for their sojourn in the subcontinent, but show that however Roma do not belong to the Indic (and not at all to the Aryan) background, but to a Semitic and more precisely Hebrew origin. Israelite groups were numerous throughout India, and it has been possible to rediscover some of them by setting aside the linguistic trace (because all of them spoke Indian languages) and concentrating the research on some cultural hints that revealed the true origin, such hints are up to now less relevant than those we may find now in Romany culture, yet they have been enough to determine the Israelite ancestry.